<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" standalone="yes"?><rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"><channel><title>Foot voting | Data and Politics</title><link>https://www.jordimas.cat/tag/foot-voting/</link><atom:link href="https://www.jordimas.cat/tag/foot-voting/index.xml" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/><description>Foot voting</description><generator>Wowchemy (https://wowchemy.com)</generator><language>en-us</language><copyright>© 2021 Jordi Mas</copyright><image><url>https://www.jordimas.cat/media/logo_hue9b727adf6727e690d316c482cbb2dcc_107966_300x300_fit_lanczos_2.png</url><title>Foot voting</title><link>https://www.jordimas.cat/tag/foot-voting/</link></image><item><title>Ethnic conflict, polarization, and foot voting. the case of Catalonia</title><link>https://www.jordimas.cat/slides/epsa_2022/</link><pubDate>Mon, 01 Jan 0001 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate><guid>https://www.jordimas.cat/slides/epsa_2022/</guid><description>&lt;h2 id="heading">&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>Other versions: &lt;a href="https://www.jordimas.cat/uploads/slides%20prague%20v1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">v1&lt;/a> | &lt;a href="https://www.jordimas.cat/uploads/slides%20prague%20v2" target="_blank" rel="noopener">v2&lt;/a>&lt;/p>
&lt;h2 id="the-observation">The observation&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>&lt;em>Political conflicts with ethnic / national roots (may) cause &amp;lsquo;foot-voting&amp;rsquo;&lt;/em>&lt;/p>
&lt;p>
&lt;figure >
&lt;div class="d-flex justify-content-center">
&lt;div class="w-100" >&lt;img alt="" srcset="
/slides/epsa_2022/vote-feet-press_hu3d757f8f932b41b1e6ee9c7471cfefcd_1525820_6c283b3f0ee493c22e1a713590da3f11.png 400w,
/slides/epsa_2022/vote-feet-press_hu3d757f8f932b41b1e6ee9c7471cfefcd_1525820_77852b693e6835e9260b6790e3cdb940.png 760w,
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src="https://www.jordimas.cat/slides/epsa_2022/vote-feet-press_hu3d757f8f932b41b1e6ee9c7471cfefcd_1525820_6c283b3f0ee493c22e1a713590da3f11.png"
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{width=50%}&lt;/p>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="literature-of-foot-voting-1">Literature of foot voting (1)&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>&lt;em>In decentralized political systems&lt;/em>&lt;/p>
&lt;p>&lt;strong>Tiebout (1956):&lt;/strong> Migration (foot-voting) as a mechanism to reveal voters’ preferences.&lt;/p>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>Change of jurisdiction because other combinations of economic public goods (policies and taxes) are preferred.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Due to inefficient governments (FF literature).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Due to individual socioeconomic characteristics.&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="literature-of-foot-voting-2">Literature of foot voting (2)&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>&lt;em>In decentralized political systems&lt;/em>&lt;/p>
&lt;p>&lt;strong>Hirschman (1970):&lt;/strong> Trade-off between voice (ballot-voting) and exit (foot-voting).&lt;/p>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>Vote and exit are not always negatively associated (Brubaker 1990; Hirschman 1993).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Mediated by loyalty (barriers to exit): high factor mobility, attachment.&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="literature-of-foot-voting-2-1">Literature of foot voting (2)&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>&lt;strong>What do we know about non-economic factors?&lt;/strong>&lt;/p>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>Loyalty: one size fits all? Attachment to country.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Electoral system (Bolton and Roland 1997).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Repressive systems (Hoffmann 2006, 2010; Burgess 2012).&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="beyond-economic-public-goods">Beyond economic public goods&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>Ethnicity shapes individual identity, which in turn affect voters’ preferences (Akerlof and Kranton 2000; Chandra 2005; Glaeser, Sacerdote, and Scheinkman 2003). Two mechanisms:&lt;/p>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>Under/overprovided &lt;strong>identity public goods&lt;/strong> diminish/increase individual’s utility (Akerlof and Kranton 2000; Pagano 1999).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>&lt;strong>Polarization&lt;/strong> boosts preference revelation (McCarty 2019; Guntermann and Blais 2020).&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="hypothesis">Hypothesis&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>Four working hypothesis:&lt;/p>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>&lt;em>H1:&lt;/em> Existing &lt;strong>trade-off&lt;/strong> between voice and exit. Within jurisdictions, discontents decide to vote with the feet instead of vote with the ballot.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>&lt;em>H2:&lt;/em> Foot voting will be stronger in jurisdictions with high &lt;strong>presence of independentism&lt;/strong>, since Spanish identity goods will be (socially / politically) under-provided.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>&lt;em>H3:&lt;/em> Foot voting will be stronger in jurisdictions with higher &lt;strong>polarization over the territorial question&lt;/strong>, since preferences are more likely to be revealed.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>&lt;em>H4:&lt;/em> Ballot-voting and foot-voting are complementary in time, expecting thus that exit will increase in the &lt;strong>long run&lt;/strong> in jurisdictions where voice increases in the short run.&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="methodology">Methodology&lt;/h2>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>Data of &lt;strong>migration&lt;/strong> from Catalonia to Spain at census section level (near 3.000 observations, 85% municipalities, 55% population).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Since 2015, parties and voters are clearly defined in terms of national identity and their position towards the territorial question (periods 2015-17 and 2017-21).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>In each jurisdiction, &lt;strong>polarization&lt;/strong> is calculated using the number of votes received by each party and their position in the territorial question.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Presence of &lt;strong>independentism&lt;/strong> as votes to independentist parties.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>For H4, we compare voting of 2015-17 with migration of 2017-21.&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="results-1">Results (1)&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>
&lt;figure >
&lt;div class="d-flex justify-content-center">
&lt;div class="w-100" >&lt;img alt="" srcset="
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/slides/epsa_2022/model-noind_hud9d32f0a921465e57dc88130a663b8c8_914816_3a1eea6481dc947b10ea24a8c54bc5ca.png 760w,
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src="https://www.jordimas.cat/slides/epsa_2022/model-noind_hud9d32f0a921465e57dc88130a663b8c8_914816_1455dbbb50160976e0ced4d3ce54b01e.png"
width="689"
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&lt;/div>&lt;/figure>
{fig.align = &amp;ldquo;center&amp;rdquo;, out.width = &amp;lsquo;60%'}&lt;/p>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="results-2">Results (2)&lt;/h2>
&lt;p>
&lt;figure >
&lt;div class="d-flex justify-content-center">
&lt;div class="w-100" >&lt;img alt="" srcset="
/slides/epsa_2022/model-longrun_huf0cf71d7e92b3d99dbe61cb578f7f6e2_302643_eaaab7beb1570ed5dccd086483f7afae.png 400w,
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src="https://www.jordimas.cat/slides/epsa_2022/model-longrun_huf0cf71d7e92b3d99dbe61cb578f7f6e2_302643_eaaab7beb1570ed5dccd086483f7afae.png"
width="425"
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&lt;/div>&lt;/figure>
{fig.align = &amp;ldquo;center&amp;rdquo;, out.width = &amp;lsquo;35%'}&lt;/p>
&lt;hr>
&lt;h2 id="conclusions">Conclusions&lt;/h2>
&lt;ul>
&lt;li>We observe both voice and exit at the jurisdiction level, which might suggest that preferences are &lt;em>activated&lt;/em>.&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Such activation may be explained primarly by the fact that high polarization exists in the jurisdiction over the territorial question and that citzens&amp;rsquo; loyalty is low (have their origin in Spain).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Exit has no association with abstention, independentist or equidistant voters (see Annexes in the document).&lt;/li>
&lt;li>Difficult to reach conclusions on H4.&lt;/li>
&lt;/ul>
&lt;h2 id="thank-you">Thank you&lt;/h2></description></item></channel></rss>